Belle of Liberty

Letting Freedom Ring

Sunday, August 12, 2012

The Democrat Campaign Cheerleader Camp

N.J. State Assemblyman Michael Patrick Carroll says on his FB page that the Democrat campaign sends him at least ten propaganda e-mails every day.  This was today’s e-mail:

Michael --

Since Mitt Romney announced Tea Party hero Paul Ryan as his running mate, the Romney campaign has brought in over $2 million to defeat President Obama.

We can afford to be out-spent -- but we can’t allow ourselves to get completely drowned out in these first days of the newly-minted Romney-Ryan ticket.

Help close the gap: Donate $3 or more right now to back up President Obama with a Democratic majority.

Ryan Jham
DCCC Rapid Response DirectorSince Mitt Romney announced Tea Party hero Paul Ryan as his running mate, the Romney campaign has brought in over $2 million to defeat President Obama.

We can afford to be out-spent -- but we can’t allow ourselves to get completely drowned out in these first days of the newly-minted Romney-Ryan ticket.

Help close the gap: Donate $3 or more right now to back up President Obama with a Democratic majority >>

Ryan

Ryan Jham
DCCC Rapid Response Director
Since Mitt Romney announced Tea Party hero Paul Ryan as his running mate, the Romney campaign has brought in over $2 million to defeat President Obama.

We can afford to be out-spent -- but we can’t allow ourselves to get completely drowned out in these first days of the newly-minted Romney-Ryan ticket.

Help close the gap: Donate $3 or more right now to back up President Obama with a Democratic majority >>

Ryan

Ryan Jham
DCCC Rapid Response Director

Mike should write him back and ask if the donation to the Democrat Campaign Cheerleader Camp is tax deductible.  August is the month for “camps” – football camp, band camp, cheerleader campaign.  This year’s election theme for the Democrats is “Konservatives are Kooks and Spooks.”

Now that Tea Party favorite Paul Ryan is on board, the game plan is to scare the Moderates into believing that  Conservatives are dangerous WASP extremists who run around in white hoods inveighing against blacks, Jews, Catholics (well, Ryan is a Catholic), homosexuals, and more recently, Muslims.  Maybe they’re a right about the last bunch:  who wouldn’t be intolerant of such an intolerant religion?  They’re the ones doing the killing, though.

Since the 1960s, Conservatives and Moderate average Americans have accepted the Liberal narrative that white suburbanites are prejudiced and racist.  That’s Obama’s mantra.  His target is white suburbia, which also happens to be the home of the Tea Party.  We didn’t get suckered into going into minority neighborhoods during the early Tea Party days, but stood our own ground.

With the help of Agenda21, the Socialists want to change all that and force us to live in the cities our parents fled from.  Obama blames “white flight” on racism.  Any grandparent in suburbia who moved from the city to the suburbs can tell you two things made them pack up their bags:  crime and taxes.

So imbedded in the minds of Americans that the Republican Party is racist, thanks to Liberal propaganda, that two articles to the contrary have yet to convince them otherwise.  Let’s try again, with Kevin D. Williamson’s article in the May 28, 2012 issue of National Review.  He’s also written a new book entitled, The Dependency Agenda.

He says that the myth, the cliché that the Democrat and Republicans “switched places” on Civil Rights sometime after Abraham Lincoln is also an outright lie.  Williamson criticizes the GOP for not defending themselves and not taking the Democrats to task for their “Bull Connors” (a Democrat who served as the Commissioner of Public Safety for the city of Birmingham, Ala., during the Civil Rights Movement in the 1950s and 60s. Through his covert actions to enforce racial segregation and deny civil rights to African American citizens, especially during the Southern Christian Leadership Conference’s Birmingham Campaign of 1963’s, Connor became an international symbol of bigotry. Connor infamously directed the use of fire hoses, and police attack dogs against peaceful demonstrators, including children. His aggressive tactics backfired when the spectacle of the brutality being broadcast on national television served as one of the catalysts for major social and legal change in the southern United States and helped in large measure to assure the passage by Congress of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

“There is no radical break in the Republicans’ civil rights history,” Williamson explains.  “From abolition to Reconstruction to the anti-lynching laws, from the 14th and 15th Amendments to the Civil Rights Acts of 1875 […], 1957, 1960, and 1964, there exists a line that is by no means perfectly straight or unwavering but that nonetheless connects the politics of Lincoln with those of Dwight D. Eisenhower.

“And,” he continues, “there exists a similarly identifiable line connecting John Calhoun (7th V.P. of the U.S. and an outspoken proponent of the institution of slavery, which he defended as a "positive good” rather than as a “necessary evil.”  His rhetorical defense of slaverly was partically responsible
for escalating Southern threats of secession in the face of mounting abolitionist sentiment in the North.)
and Lyndon Baines Johnson.  Supporting civil rights reform was not a radical turnaround for congressional Republicans in 1964, but it was a radical turnaround for Johnson and the Democrats.”

As a Congressman, Johnson’s constituency, according to Williams, was composed more of
anti-Communists than anti-blacks.  Many Southerners defected from the Democrat party to the GOP
because of its pro-Civil Rights stance.  Meanwhile, during the post-World War II, many Blacks began
moving up to the manufacturing cities of the North (New York, Philadelphia, Detroit).

Pres. Richard Nixon – then V.P. Richard Nixon under Dwight Eisenhower, though bigoted,
nevertheless helped get the Civil Rights Act of 1957 passed through Congress.  Lyndon Johnson
consistently voted against legislation to protect Blacks from lynching, Williamson writes.  As Senate
leader in 1957, “he did his best to cripple the Civil Rights Act of 1957; not having votes sufficient to
stop it, he managed to reduce it to an act of mere symbolism by excising the enforcement provisions
before sending it to” Eisenhower to be signed.  His Democrat colleague, Strom Thurmond, spoke for 24
hours straight in effort to filibuster the bill to death.

The reformed bill came up again in 1960, and again “Johnson’s Democrats staged a record-setting
filibuster.”  Yet, Johnson petitioned “the northeastern Kennedy liberal to credit him for having seen to
the law’s passage while at the same time boasting to southern Democrats that he had taken the teeth out
of the legislation.”

Williamson quotes Johnson as saying, “These Negroes, they’re getting pretty uppity these days, and
that’s a problem for us, since they’ve got something now they never had before:  the political pull to
back up their uppityness.  Now we’ve got to do something about this – we’ve got to give them a little
something, just enough to quiet them down, not enough to make a difference.”

Johnson wasn’t alone in his racist attitude.  The Democrat record on civil rights is pretty sparse. 
Williamson notes:  “Not one Democrat in Congress voted for the 14th Amendment.  Not one Democrat
in Congress voted for the 15th Amendment.  Not one voted for the Civil Rights Act of 1875.”

It was Progressive Pres. Woodrow Wilson who resegregated the previously integrated army and other
Federal facilities.  Williamson quotes Wilson as saying, “If the colored people made a mistake in voting
for me, they ought to correct it.”  The KKK had Democrat representation in Congress and in the
Supreme Court via Sen. Robert Byrd and Justice Hugo Black.

“Johnson himself denounced an earlier attempt at civil rights reform as the ‘N-word bill,’” Williamson
writes.  “So what happened in 1964 to change Democrats’ minds?  In fact, nothing.”

The New Deal, Williamson explains, was the polarizing catalyst.   “There was a Conservative backlash
 against it,” he says, which eventually “drove New Deal critics to the Republican party.”  Being
isolationist, the Conservatives looked askance at what Bob Dole would later call “The Democrat Wars.”

“Throughout the 1940s and 1950s, the Republican party, though Marginal, began to take hold in the
South – but not very quickly,” writes Williamson.  He says that the Republicans went through a
dormant period on civil rights reform, not because they were opposed to it, but because once blacks had
the right to vote, social change would take care of the rest.  In 1964, the GOP’s platform stated, “the
elimination of any such discrimination is a matter of heart, conscience, and education, as well as equal
rights under the law.”

As the South became more affluent after the Civil War, transforming from what Williamson describes
as “a Third World Country,” its wealthier, better educated voters turned towards the party that best
represented their interests (and even the black’s) – the party of Lincoln, the Republican party.

However, the working class voters, particularly the whites even in the midst of large black populations,
remained loyal to the Democrat party.  This would be a demographic that was highly unionized. 
Meanwhile, Williamson wryly notes that the Republican Platform “was hardly catnip for Klansmen.”

Williamson writes that the New Deal was responsible for the Republicans losing black votes to the
Democrat Party.  “By 1940, Democrats for the first time won a majority of black votes in the North,”
Williamson writes, “among whom the New Deal was extraordinarily popular.  This development was
not lost on Lyndon Johnson, who crafted his Great Society with the goal of exploiting widespread
dependency for the benefit of the Democrat party.  Johnson’s plan was pure politics.  His War on
Poverty was declared at a time when poverty had been declining for decades” and unemployment was
less than 5 percent.

Williamson ends his article by stating, “Democrats who argue that the best policies for black
Americans are those that are soft on crime and generous with welfare are engaged in much the same
sort of cynical racial calculation Pres. Johnson was practicing when he informed skeptical southern
governors that his plan for the Great Society was ‘to have them [N-word]s voting Democratic for the
next two hundred years.’”

Shake your pom-pons at that, Democrat cheerleaders.  As for Republicans, especially young Moderates,
you need to shake yourselves awake from your generational trance (drug-induced, and Mainstream
Media-inspired).  You're shaking your pom-pons at the wrong party.






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